Many political friends in Nigeria have come to become foes. STEPHEN GBADAMOSI, MOSES ALAO and DAMOLA ADEOYE examine the experience of the nation in this regard, highlighting some of the political associations that have gone awry in recent time.GODFATHERISM in Nigerian politics is as old as the country itself. Many political analysts believe that the British colonialists who ruled Nigeria during pre-independence favoured one particular ethnic group above others at the point of handling over power to Nigerian politicians at independence era. The South of Nigeria, believed that the colonialists deliberately altered Nigeria's political destiny to favour the North. The political imbalance resulting therefrom had mostly been blamed for the myriad of developmental issues the nation has been facing since 1960.Political godfatherism has continued to flourish since then. Old politicians have continued to nurture and support younger ones considered as their acolytes; hence the introduction, of words and phrases like 'the anointed,' 'the chosen,' 'godson,' etc. into the country's political lexicon.In recent times, however, the country's political space has been overtaken by acrimonious engagement among hitherto political families. Sharp division have ensued between known political sons and their promoters. Such division cut across the ethnic groups and states within the nation. In the 1993 presidential election, won by the late Ogun State-born businessman, Chief M K O Abiola, Ambassador Babagana Kingibe was chairman of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) on whose ticket Abiola contested. He was considered a strong ally of the late Abiola, and as such, his 'political lover.' But when the then military regime turned back to deny Abiola the presidential seat he won, Kingibe dumped him and went on to take appointment from the ensuing Interim National Government (ING).Since then, other similar cases have been recorded, particularly after democracy was re-introduced to the nation in 1998. The man who was to later become the Nigerian political figure of that era, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, became a classical example. After his second term of office as president in 2007, Obasanjo reportedly anointed the then deputy governor of Bayelsa State, Goodluck Jonathan, to become the running mate to his equally anointed Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) presidential candidate, Umaru Musa Yar'Adua.Many have contended that Obasanjo deliberately made Jonathan deputy to Yar'Adua because he knew that the latter had health challenges that might eventually consume him, paving the way for the Ijaw-born vice-president to be president of the country. Whether or not this is so, many Nigerians have regarded President Jonathan as the foster son of former President Obasanjo. However, of recent, there has been no love lost between the two politicians. The power tussles within the ruling PDP is said to be responsible for the bickering. Apart from theirs, there are many other such political relationships that have gone sour.The OBJ/Jonathan feudPrior to the 2007 presidential election, not many people would have predicted the emergence of Dr Jonathan as the country's vice-president. In fact, he had only managed to be a force to reckon with in his state, Bayelsa, where the involvement of his boss, Dieprieye Alamieyeseigha, in money laundering paved the way for him, as the deputy, to become governor after the latter's impeachment.In the battle for the presidential ticket of the PDP built up ahead of the 2007 elections, many gladiators from the South-South, including former Governors James Ibori, Peter Odili and Victor Attah, among others, emerged on the national scene, either as presidential aspirants or potential vice-presidents. But no one mentioned Jonathan, who was already governor of Bayelsa State, until what many people attributed to luck changed the game. He was nominated as the running mate to the late President Yar'Adua.However, people in the know have always pointed out that Obasanjo was the man behind the scenes on the nomination of Jonathan.With the sickness and eventual death of Yar'Adua throwing Jonathan up as the heir apparent, it again took Obasanjo's support to weather the storm for Jonathan to become acting president and later substantive president. So fierce was Obasanjo's support that many observers felt the former president had, indeed, got the tenure extension he was alleged to have coveted and wanted for himself.But things began to fall apart several months into Jonathan's tenure, with allegations that the former president was overbearing while the latter blamed the president for being in-flexible and not heeding advice.Corruption allegation and poor performance were Obasanjo's claim against Jonathan but the president's camp denied such a claim, counter-accusing the former president of being insatiable and trying to control government as if he was the president. Like an Amoeba, the soured relationship between Obasanjo and Jonathan has continued to take different shapes daily, with heated letters written by both sides and many meetings following. Yet, things have not remained the same between the duo, making their fight, especially Obasanjo's acrimony against the president, perhaps the fiercest of the godfather-godson tiff in the country.Consequent upon the face-off, the former president withdrew from PDP activities, with many of his followers already pitching tent with the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC).Observers note that at the background of the fight between Jonathan and Obasanjo were issues surrounding the 2015 presidential election, which the latter doesn't want Jonathan to contest. But some sources claimed that the former president only objected to Jonathan's candidacy after the president refused to drop Mohammed Sambo as Vice-President for Jigawwa State governor, Sule Lamido, another of his political sons.Thus what will appease the former president to end the fight is only known to him and, perhaps, President Jonathan.Orji Uzor Kalu/Theodore Orji bickering'Turning and turning in the widening gyre, the falcon cannot hear the falconer. Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold,' wrote popular poet, W.B. Yeats, in his poem, Second Coming. He must have seen into the future in many ways. These lines, which have remained witty and often quoted, could best describe the political development in Abia State between former Governor Orji Uzor Kalu and his successor in office, Governor Theodore Orji.For Kalu and Orji, their relationship, it appeared, was built to last, as the account of the former governor had it that they met over 16 years ago at the house of Chief Mark Uka Ogwo.What Kalu chose to describe as a perchance meeting began a political relationship that blossomed over the years and resulted in Orji working as the former governor's Chief of Staff. But it didn't stop there. When Kalu was to leave office in 2007 after serving the constitutional two terms as governor, he had an idea'the man who had been so close to him and had overseen the state's affairs from the background, Theodore Orji, was considered as the best man to replace him.Though that sentiment was not shared by many political heavyweights in the state, Kalu would not be persuaded to perish the thought of having his trustworthy ally in office as the next governor of the state. A heated struggle ensued, pitching Kalu and his loyalists against political juggernauts such as former Minister of Transport, Ojo Madueke; former PDP national chairman, Vincent Ogbulafor; Senators Ike Nwachukwu and Eyinnaya Abaribe, among others. Like a football match involving a home team and away team, the two sides were then known as home-based structure and Talibans or Abuja Tufiakwa, said Mr Kingsley Chukwu, an indigene of Aba, who described how tough the struggle was back then. In the end, Kalu fought hard and won despite having formed a new party, the Progressive Peoples Alliance (PPA), to prosecute the battle. The outcome of that victory was the emergence of Orji.A legal battle followed after the one on the political turf was decided in favour of Kalu and again, he won. However, no sooner had the dust settled after the fierce battles than indications emerged that Kalu and his predecessor were having a rough ride in their relationship. What started like a joke soon became a reality when Orji was abandoned the PPA and returned to PDP. But Chukwu insisted that Orji did not just leave PPA but only after being frustrated and even threatened to resign his position. Not only did the governor abandon PPA, he also dumped Kalu's political household in a move that the former governor will always rue and describe as betrayal.The two leaders have continued to bicker ever since, literally living together unhappily ever after. While the governor reportedly ensured that Kalu's first degree from the state university was withdrawn after seven years and worked effectively to halt his return to the PDP despite the Presidency's favourable disposition to such return, Kalu has fought Orji on all fronts, firing endless cannons at the governor who has since taken on the popular title of Ochendo, which in Igbo means protection, defence or liberation, leaving observers to wonder if the name was to slight his former boss and political benefactor.In response, the governor's media handlers have chronicled the years of Kalu's leadership and how the state was backward until Ochendo assumed power, while Kalu's loyalists also use every opportunity to 'expose the decadence' in the state in the last seven and a half years.Only recently, Orji reportedly helped to end Kalu's ambition of representing his people in the Senate in 2015, as the former governor saw the writing on the wall that the party structure would not favour him, crying blue murder and again, firing more cannons. He described his predecessor as a chameleon while the latter also called him a liability that 'cannot win election in Abia State again.'Though what really caused the fight might never be known, the two sides have traded blames along different routes. While Orji's loyalists maintained that the governor had to desert his former boss based on principle, as the latter still relished the appurtenances of power and had the state in a stranglehold, culminating in his decision to continue to 'control' the state despite Orji being governor, Uzor Kalu views the development as bare-faced betrayal. Who will settle the fight of the gods' The Kalu-Orji fight will linger until it has reached a decisive point and only God knows the casualties that will be recorded in terms of politics and the development of the state.Akpabio/Umana Okon Umana power play in Akwa IbomAkwa Ibom State governor, Chief Godswill Akpabio, and the former Secretary to the State Government, Chief Umana Okon Umana, used to be best of friends for more than seven years. If Akwa Ibom were to be a football team, Akpabio would have been a forward who plays beautiful football and caps it with goals, while Umana would have been a solid defender behind him.The two worked with a synergy hitherto unknown to Nigerian politics, serving together as governor and SSG spanning over six years and those in the know maintain that the relationship ensured cohesion and fluidity in the administration, which is known for its developmental strides and laudable human development projects. Umana and Akpabio began their journey as commissioners in the administration of former Governor Victor Attah. Umana manned the finance ministry while Akapbio handled the Ministries of Petroleum and Natural Resources; Local Government and Chieftaincy Matters and Lands and Housing.When Akpabio achieved the herculean task of succeeding Attah in 2007, despite great oppositions from different quarters, it was instructive that Umana, who was one of those who stood by him, was appointed SSG.For over six years, the two worked together closely and forged the path of development for the state, with political observers in the state concluding that Umana would be the next governor of the state in 2015. Umana on his part did not hide his ambition; neither would Akpabio claim not to know that the Ibibio politician wanted to succeed him in 2015.However, things took a different turn in 2013 when Umana took his ambition a step further by making it public, after turning down Akpabio's reported nomination for him to become the chairman of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), a move which reportedly irked Akpabio, who maintained that the politician should have resigned before making such position.Insinuations became rife that the governor was not favourably disposed to Umana succeeding him. A cold war started. Months later, it culminated in the resignation of Umana from the cabinet in a manner unexpected, given the fondness between the two politicians over the years.The need for equity and justice was cited as the reason for Akpabio developing cold feet towards Umana's ambition while the latter viewed the action as a betrayal of trust and an effort by Akpabio to perpetuate himself in office. In the end, the war became full-scale, with campaign of calumny and blackmail becoming hallmarks of the struggle, leaving political watchers to ponder how easily political relationships could derail.Already, the incumbent SSG, Udom Emmanuel, has emerged as the governorship candidate of the PDP, while Umana is pursuing his ambition on the platform of the APC. This, surely, is just the beginning of a bigger war that will surely shake Akwa Ibom to its roots before and after the 2015 general elections.Rift between Odili, AmaechiThough many may be surprised by this battle as it really doesn't appear on the surface, the war could best be termed royal rumble, as it pitches not only Rivers State governor, Rotimi Amaechi, against his former boss, Dr Peter Odili, but also the first lady, Dame Patience Jonathan. The Odili front is a proxy one being fought by former Minister of State for Education, Nyesom Wike.Wike, it will be recalled, was the Chief of Staff to Governor Amaechi before being sponsored to become minister in the Jonathan-led government. However, when the centre could no longer hold between the Jonathans (the president and the first lady) and Amaechi, Wike pitched his tent with the president, seemingly ditching his friend, the governor.Again, when the struggle over who controls the structure of the PDP in Rivers State got to a head, Wike's Felix Obuah backed faction thumped the governor's camp, albeit through a Federal High Court Abuja verdict. In the wake of the judgment, Amaechi's loyalist had gathered at a rally at the Government House where they protested what they termed 'desecration'. The crowd was addressed by the state deputy governor, Tele Ikuru, who said of the judgment: 'the temple of justice has been desecrated. Nigeria arise. If we do not rise, we will lose our country. As a nation, any day we allow the temple of justice to be desecrated, we will lose our country.'The Minister promptly replied saying; 'my choice is Felix Obuah. He purchased form. I have no regret for supporting Obuah. I supported Amaechi in 2007 and we fought till the end. I was the commander-in-chief of that era. I also supported Amaechi in 2011. Obuah should not be denied his rightful position.' That battle was one of the reasons that led to the eventual defection of governor Amaechi to the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC).Besides party control, the ambition of Wike to succeed Amaechi is another point worthy of note. Wike like Amaechi is Ikwerre. The governor had repeatedly said it would be unfair, after spending two-terms, for another Ikwerre to be governor immediately after him.The Amaechi-Wike 'war' was so intense while it lasted that it even threatened to tear the state into pieces with the associated crises in the House of Assembly. Five lawmakers it will be recalled had allegedly 'impeached' the Speaker, Otelemaba Amachree, with that singular exercise leading to a wave of heated crises. The speaker and 26 other members of the House are loyal to the governor, while five others led by Evans Bipi, member representing Ogu/Bolo constituency are loyal to President Jonathan and by extension, Wike.The gulf between Amaechi and Wike was perhaps widened by the usual bust-ups between governor Amaechi and the first lady, Dame Patience Jonathan. Dame Patience, an indigene of Rivers State is heavily involved in the politics of the state, with her presence in the state, sometimes discomfiting the governor. The first lady's influence in Rivers politics is so huge that she literally determines who gets what- the endorsement of Wike by the first lady, a specific reference point. The governor's perceived interest in the presidency then, may have added salt to the injury of the gulf.That interest was viewed by the president's camp- Wike inclusive as a threat to the collective South-South ambition. The first lady had in one of her visits to the state said; 'the presidency is an opportunity that fell unto us on a platter of gold. We shouldn't throw it away. We have had people that contested from this region but didn't win.'With Wike picking the PDP governorship ticket and Dakuku Peterside that of the APC, the Amaechi-Wike battle may have translated from a proxy war, to a straight face-off, back to another proxy war.Imoke/Ndoma-Egba'To the best of my knowledge, the Senate Leader is one man, who has been wonderfully supporting the governor,' were the words of Soni Abang, former Cross River State chairman of the PDP in a recent interview with a national daily. That statement, meant to underscore the need for Governor Liyel Imoke to support Senator Victor Ndoma-Egba, SAN, for a record fourth term in the Senate just never counted.As things eventually turned out, it was not to be. Senator Ndoma-Egba was defeated by Hon. John Enoh purportedly with the tacit backing of governor Imoke. The loss of Ndoma-Egba, nave watchers of political events may see as a mere loss of a primary, but to keen watchers and eagle-eyed analysts, it may be simply rooted in the war of attrition between erstwhile political allies.In Cross River, there used to be a triumvirate- Duke, Imoke and Gershom Bassey- who many considered as 'the three wise men' and were primed to hold power in succession. That 'plan' translated to Imoke succeeding Duke. But with Governor Imoke preferring Professor Ben Ayade as successor, the collapse of the famed triumvirate was evident for all to see.Ndoma-Egba is perceived to be an ally of ex-Governor Duke. His plan to return to the Senate for the fourth time running may have been strewn with political dynamites, fatally destined to hit the rocks. The victory of Honourable Enoh may simply be termed the last straw that broke the camel's back. Ndoma-Egba's loss, some pundits believe might be down to his being caught in the web of political intrigues that played out between members of the once solid triumvirate.Lending credence to Imoke's perceived support for ex-Governor Duke in the face of his face-off with Governor Imoke was a press conference addressed by Cross River PDP elders, where they lambasted Duke and Ndoma-Egba for what they described as deprecatory campaign against the governor.The elders, who particularly took a swipe at what they described as desperate and febrile attempt by Duke and his cohorts to foist a governorship aspirant on the people of the state, warned that not again would they allow them have their way. Professor Nya Asuquo, who spoke on behalf of the group, said: 'we as senior citizens of Cross River State and bonafide members of the PDP in our respective rights cannot be indifferent to the macabre dance and campaign of calumny and destruction orchestrated by Duke, Ndoma-Egba and their cohorts.'It saddens us that people who have benefitted the most from the good people of the state are now the same people bent on dragging the state back to the Stone Age because they believe they must always have their way, no matter what happens to the rest of the populace,' they stressed.Besides that, the acrimony over the delegates list used for primaries in the state may also be considered a sore point. It will be recalled that while the governor and the state party chairman were on a side, the senate leader was on another.Briefing journalists, at a press conference on behalf of PDP governorship aspirants, national assembly members, all local government chairmen and all chapter chairmen of the party on recent political events in the state, Ntufam Fidelis Ugbo, who led the aggrieved team, accused Ndoma-Egba of changing the list of delegates, who emerged at the ward congress. The group insisted that the party leaders must discipline the senate leader. Though Ernest Irek, Director General, Victor Ndoma-Egba Campaign Organisation described all the allegations as 'lies, libelous and irresponsible,' that may have been the handwriting on the wall that eventual led to Ndoma-Egba's loss.Though Ndoma-Egba has rejected the result of the primaries, describing it a sham capable of setting the nation's democracy backward and that he'll challenge the process and outcome through the internal mechanisms established by the PDP, it may be too little, too late.The Nnamani/Chime face-offAt a point in time, Ebeano was the political swansong in Enugu State. That was during the reign of Chimaroke Nnamani as the state's ebullient governor. In choosing his cabinet in 1999, Nnamani appointed his long-time friend, Sullivan Chime, a lawyer, as his special adviser (legal matters), a position he held until he was moved a notch higher, to become attorney-general and commissioner for justice in 2001.When the time to choose a successor came in 2007, many in the Ebeano political dynasty showed interest, most prominent of which was the then deputy governor, Ikechukwu Itanyi, but the governor's decision to field a friend and confidant, saw to the emergence of Chime. The governor did his best to ensure Chime won.The first signs of a crash in the relationship of the duo appeared early in 2008. When the election petition tribunals nullified Chime's first term election, it was more or less an opportunity for the high-wire politics to be played out. Though Nnamani refrained from talking about his disenchantment with his successor, his aides did, promising a showdown with the governor in his re-election bid. Though Chime won his appeal eventually, the actions and inaction of Nnamani's aides and allies during the brief period of the tribunal decision had shown who was Paul's and who was Apollo's. That more or less signaled the beginning of the end for the Nnamani-Chime political love.Chime and Nnamani began their friendship in the early 70s when they were both students of the elite Catholic school, the College of Immaculate Conception (CIC), Enugu. On completion of their Senior School Certificate in 1977 in Division One, both were admitted to the University of Nigeria, Enugu Campus. Their friendship grew stronger though both were studying different courses. Nnamani was studying Medicine, against Chime's Law.They were eventually separated after graduation, as Nnamani proceeded to the United States for specialist courses in Medicine while Chime continued with a flourishing legal practice back in Nigeria.Chime's foray into politics was more to the interest and persuasion from Nnamani. Insiders maintain that though Chime was from a popular political and aristocratic family- his father, Elias having been a parliamentarian and regional minister, Chime was the quintessential professional who was committed to his law practice fully. When he was appointed into the Nnamani government, Chime was said to have seen it as an opportunity to serve his people professionally.Though Chime initially declined to run and never for once aspired to be governor, he was literally dragged along so to say. Governor Nnamani deployed the Ebeano political structure to mobilise towards the 2007 elections, and pronto victory was assured for Chime.Soon as Chime got to power, had the friction began to be noticed. Chime not only made friends with Nnamani's political enemies, but he was said not to have honoured some agreements the duo had before he got to office- Nnamani had allegedly forwarded some commissioner nominees to the governor, with the governor not honouring the list fully. Besides, some of Nnamani's policies were reversed by Chime which further annoyed Nnamani. Some of those policies included the recall of workers earlier disengaged by the Nnamani government, increase in salaries of workers, granting of financial autonomy to local governments among others.The eventual endorsement of Hon. Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi to the chagrin of many other party leaders and the alienation of Nnamani and his allies has more or less torn the hitherto friends apart.Every incumbent wants a successorDr Remi Aiyede of the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan believes every incumbent or godfather is often interested in who gets into power for a number of reasons, both good and bad. In his words: 'some incumbents who want continuity or even someone who can do better than what is on ground, will surely be interested in who succeeds them or gets to power.'Speaking on the negative reasons there is always an interest in succession, Dr. Aiyede said; 'in the case of a godfather or an incumbent who has skeletons in his cupboard, he will want someone who will keep the cupboard perpetually closed or buried until it is forgotten.' Besides, he continued: 'you want someone whose ears you have, even when you're not in government, so that you won't be a stranger in Government House.' Again, 'specifically for persons with a dominant personality, you want someone who will always be beholden to you- someone who does your bidding. That's why you see power brokers going for supposedly weaker minds, who can be easy to control.'Politics is betrayalDr Aiyede contended that politics, more or less, is a game of betrayal. Contending that it is the desire of man to be free and not be captive to the whims and caprices of another, he claims, one may still go through the godfather or incumbent and still not be held captive by his bidding. According to him; 'you may have looked around and found out that the only way you can get power is through the godfather. What you then do is go through him and get it. When you get there, you become your own man.'That view was corroborated by Prof. Jonathan Osiki, Head, Department of Guidance and Couselling, University of Ibadan. The don believes betrayal is a normal human behaviour emitted through conduct. He said: 'the fact that betrayal is a normal human behaviour doesn't make it good or encouraging. It is just human nature to seek to undermine the other.'Speaking on the issue of political betrayal, Prof. Osiki said politicians most time do not see it as betrayal, but as the norm. That to him is why American politicians are better, compared to their Nigerian counterparts. 'It is not as if those in America are saints, but they unlike their Nigerian counterparts are more principled and cultured. The fact that you helped me get power for instance, shouldn't mean I should be captive to your whims and caprices,' he said.The only way those in power can follow blindly the dictates of the godfather is if they belong to the same school of thought and therefore reason the same way, the professor argued and since that is not possible, then there are bound to be differences here and there.Professor Osiki, however, advocated politics of principle instead of the current one characterised by betrayal.
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